NATIONAL FRONT: CHARACTERISTICS, OBJECTIVES, PRESIDENTS - HISTORY

The National Front (Colombia) was an agreement reached by the Colombian conservatives and liberals in 1958 to alternate in power. The term is also used to refer to the period during which this pact was in force and which lasted until 1974. During those years, the country was governed by four different presidents.

Colombia had been immersed for decades in the confrontations between the supporters of the two main ideological currents of the country. The worst period was called 'La Violencia', an undeclared civil war that caused between 200,000 and 300,000 deaths in twenty years.

Conservative Party flag - Source: Carlos Arturo Acosta under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International license.

Although there were attempts by both sides to stop this situation, the internal division in both parties made it impossible to pacify the country. In 1953, there was a coup d'etat carried out by the military and that brought General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla to power. His goal was to stabilize the country.

The government of Rojas Pinilla was extended in time until reaching five years. The two traditional parties, liberal and conservative, began a dialogue to try to end the dictatorship. The result was the National Front, a pact by which they shared power and alternated in the presidency until 1974.

Background

Colombian political life had revolved since 1886 around two great ideological currents: liberal and conservative. Institutions such as the Church or the Army, as well as social sectors such as large landowners, used to position themselves with the latter, while workers and professionals did so with the former.

The Conservative Hegemony, a period in which that party was in power, lasted four decades from 1886. Then, in 1934, a liberal president, López Pumarejo, established the so-called Revolution on the Move and undertook measures that would end the dominance conservative in all areas of power.

In 1945, López Pumarejo's second term ended when he presented his resignation. His replacement was another liberal, Alberto Lleras Camargo, who formed a cabinet shared with the moderate conservatives. They were at odds with the radical sector of their party, led by Eliécer Gaitán and Laureano Gómez.

Lleras Camargo's attempt to integrate did not prevent bipartisan tension from continuing to grow. The President, along with sectors belonging to the ruling elites, began to speak openly of the need for a national pact that would avoid violent confrontations between the two main parties.

Something similar asked Ospina Pérez, elected president in 1946 and a member of the conservative party. As a gesture, Ospina appointed a bipartisan government.

The violence

Those first calls for an agreement between the two great Colombian parties did not prevent what has been described as a genuine undeclared civil war from breaking out. This period, called La Violencia, faced supporters of both parties throughout the country.

Despite the fact that violent acts had been common before, almost all experts consider that the origin of La Violencia was the murder in the Colombian capital of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, one of the liberal leaders.

This crime was committed on April 9, 1948 and, along with subsequent events, has gone down in history under the name Bogotazo. Once the news of the murder reached the population of Bogotá, they reacted with violence. Soon, the fighting spread throughout the country.

During the time that La Violencia lasted, between 200,000 and 300,000 deaths occurred on both sides.

Dictatorship of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla and the Military Junta

After several years of armed confrontations, the Army seized power. With the support of the Church, General Gustavo Rojas Pinillas carried out a coup on June 13, 1953. The motive given was the attempt at constitutional reform announced by President Laureano Gómez.

At first, Rojas Pinilla announced that he would only be in power for one year, but later he extended his presidency until he reached five years.

A turning point occurred in June 1956, when Rojas Pinilla created his own political party, called Tercera Fuerza. The announced program contained socialist measures and was intended to be an alternative to the traditional parties in Colombia.

Benidorm Pact

The same year that Rojas Pinilla founded his political party, the Conservatives and Liberals began a rapprochement. Alberto Lleras Camargo, then liberal leader, proposed a pact between the two currents that would lead to democracy.

Lleras Camargo traveled to the Spanish town of Benidorm, where former President Laureano Gómez had gone into exile. In that first meeting, both leaders issued a statement demanding the need to reach an agreement.

March pact

Almost a year after the statement issued in Benidorm, the two parties made a new letter public again. It was on March 20, 1957 and, as a novelty, members of the internal currents more reluctant to reach an agreement also participated.

The so-called March Pact accused Rojas Pinilla of wanting to perpetuate himself in power and criticized the repressive measures he had taken against the press and the political opposition. The document included the opinion that only an agreement between liberals and conservatives could end the dictatorship and bipartisan violence.

Pinilla resignation

While these were happening, Rojas Pinilla's government was rapidly weakening. Since the end of 1956, the support it had had been greatly reduced, especially after the police repression of some workers' demonstrations.

One of those protests, held on May 10, 1957, ended up causing serious incidents between the security forces and the protesters. That same night, Rojas Pinilla resigned and was replaced by a conservative Military Junta.

The Junta promised to call elections within a year to make way for a civil government. Both liberals and conservatives welcomed the announcement and decided to support the military in power.

However, within the conservatives there were still opposing sectors. Ospina's supporters supported León Valencia as the next presidential candidate, while those of Laureano Gómez opposed it. These internal feuds put the planned coalition government at risk.

The Liberals, led by Alberto Lleras, had to decide with which conservative faction they could agree. The Liberal leader ended up choosing the Laureanists.

Sitges Pact

Another Spanish town, this time Sitges, was the venue chosen to negotiate the terms of the agreement. Liberals and the conservative sector led by Laureano Gómez participated in the meeting.

The result was a document signed on July 20, 1957 in which the two parties called for a plebiscite to be called to approve the points they had agreed upon and incorporate them into the Colombian Constitution.

These points included that the two traditional parties alternated every four years in power for the next 12 years, a period that was later extended to 16. Likewise, it appeared that conservatives and liberals would share the positions fifty percent.

In addition to the above, the agreement that the people had to vote also included the right to vote for women and that 10% of the budget be dedicated to education.

Plebiscite

The vote to approve the agreement took place on December 1, 1957. The result was overwhelmingly favorable to the creation of the National Front and the consequent changes in the Constitution: 95.2% of those called to the polls voted in favor..

The elections were held in May 1958 and the winner was Alberto Lleras Camargo, of the Liberal Party.

Causes

The causes of the creation of the National Front must be sought in the most immediate past of the country. The traditional parties, with the support of the majority of the social sectors, the Church and the Army, were looking for a way to end bipartisan violence and the dictatorship of Rojas Pinilla.

Social causes

The tensions on the economic model between the conservative landowning oligarchy and the liberal commercial oligarchy had practically disappeared by 1940. Economic liberalism had definitively prevailed, so that this issue was no longer a matter of dispute among the country's elites..

Some authors maintain that the National Front and the previous coalitions were a way to stop the violent confrontations between both sectors, since it was an obvious risk for economic development.

In addition, at that time other social groups were gaining strength that could end up being a danger to the elites belonging to the two traditional parties. Among these incipient groups were the workers in the cities, the rural proletariat or the peasants displaced by the fighting.

Stop bipartisan violence

The years prior to the creation of the National Front had been marked by bipartisan violence throughout the country. The struggle between the two traditional parties for political power was weakening the Colombian economy and social fabric. To this must be added the confrontations between the different political families in each party.

The National Front was an attempt to stabilize Colombia and end the violence, even if it was at the cost of weakening political life by imposing alternation in power.

End the dictatorship

When Rojas Pinilla carried out his coup, supported by the Army, the Church and sectors of the political parties, everyone thought that his stay in power would be brief. The forecasts were that he would only stay in office for a year, until he managed to stabilize the country.

However, his mandate was extended in time. At first, Rojas Pinilla enjoyed a lot of popular support, although later his popularity declined. When he founded his own party, many feared that he would become a political threat to conservatives and liberals.

In addition, their political background had a socialist program, something that the traditional economic elites did not like, and even less so in the international context of the Cold War.

characteristics

At first, the agreement reached by the two major parties was called the Civil Front. Later, when the Rojas Pinilla regime was overthrown, the signatories of the pact changed the name to National Front so that it would not be interpreted that there was any ill will towards the Armed Forces.

The agreement included that the two parties would alternate at the head of the presidency, in addition to dividing up the ministerial positions, the mayors and the rest of the positions of power.

The National Front was supported by the country's elites and by institutions such as the Church. All these sectors considered that it was the ideal solution to end the violence.

Elections

Although the pact established which party was the one that would occupy the presidency in each period, this did not mean the total disappearance of the elections. Thus, the president was chosen between several candidates of the same organization.

Reduction of the role of Congress

The Congress saw its powers reduced throughout the period of the National Front, while those of the government increased. This ended up causing a feeling of lack of representativeness among the population, in addition to making it difficult for other political forces to emerge.

Functions of the Minister of Finance

One of the positions that gained the most power with the National Front was the Minister of Finance, especially important in a period of economic problems. Normally, the ministry was not occupied by a politician, but by an economist.

Rejection of large sectors of the population

Although the agreement made bipartisan violence practically disappear, a part of the population was mounted against it from the beginning. The main reason for this opposition was that the two parties focused only on the sharing of power and left aside the resolution of other national problems.

Likewise, the agreement significantly reduced the ideological differences between the two parties. Many citizens felt that their demands were not taken into account and abstention grew significantly.

goals

The main objectives that moved liberals and conservatives to negotiate the agreement were twofold: to end the violence and to evict Rojas Pinilla from power.

End violence

Even before the National Front, the two parties had explored forms of collaboration to end the armed confrontations. However, after Gaitán was assassinated in April 1948, the so-called National Union was created. A year later, the Liberals led by Lleras Restrepo decided to abandon it.

In this way, Colombia entered a stage of undeclared civil war between supporters of the two traditional parties. In total, it is estimated that the period of La Violencia left a balance of 150,000 dead until its end.

End the Rojas Pinilla regime

One of the reasons that Rojas Pinilla cited for carrying out his coup was precisely the escalation of bipartisan violence. With the support of the Army, Rojas overthrew President Laureano Gómez, a conservative who had taken on the most open-minded part of his own party.

At first, the Rojas regime was only supposed to last a year, but later the period was lengthened as the president requested more time to carry out his program. The National Constituent Assembly, the highest body of power since Congress was closed, approved that he remain in office until 1958.

Although Rojas Pinilla managed to get enough guerrillas to abandon the violence, it did not disappear from the country. In addition, the president lost a lot of support when he created a series of taxes in the face of the constant increase in international debt.

When Rojas Pinilla tried to extend his mandate until 1962, the two traditional parties decided that the time had come to negotiate to end his government.

Presidents

In total, the National Front had four presidents. Alberto Lleras Camargo and Carlos Lleras Restrepo ruled for the liberals, while the conservative presidents were Guillermo León Valencia and Misael Pastrana Borrero.

Alberto Lleras Camargo

Alberto Lleras Camargo was the first president of the National Front. He belonged to the Liberal Party and held the position between 1958 and 1962.

Among the most important measures of his government, he highlighted the creation of a reintegration program for guerrillas who abandoned violence. In addition, he tried to promote an agrarian reform, although without success.

On the other hand, Lleras Camargo attached great importance to public education and reformed the existing law on the subject to promote it. Finally, its economic policy has been classified as developmental.

Guillermo Leon Valencia

In 1962, the conservative León Valencia replaced Lleras as president. Broadly, he continued the same policies as his predecessor and pushed through a grand plan to electrify rural areas.

One of its greatest successes occurred in the economic sphere, when it managed to increase exports of coffee and oil. This meant a significant improvement in the country's economy.

León Valencia also tried to end the last remaining pockets of violence in Colombia. However, the Marquetalia bomber, in 1964, ended up causing the birth of another guerrilla group: the FARC.

Carlos Lleras Restrepo

Continuing with the alternation established in the agreement, the next president corresponded to the Liberal Party. It was Carlos Lleras Restrepo, who focused his efforts on modernizing state structures and reforming economic policies.

Lleras Restrepo did manage to pass an important agrarian reform, in addition to giving a voice to the peasants with the formation of an organization that brought together their representatives.

Apart from this measure, Lleras Restrepo reformed the Constitution to give more power to the figure of the president, incorporate the figure of economic emergency in an exceptional situation and increase until 1978 the period in which liberals and conservatives had to share public offices equally.

Misael Pastrana

Misael Pastrana, from the Conservative Party, was the last of the presidents of the National Front. His tenure began in 1970 and he soon faced various political problems.

By that time, a new party had been created in Colombia that threatened the primacy of the traditional ones. The ANAPO (Popular National Alliance) had been founded by Rojas Pinilla and was on the verge of winning the 1970 elections. Allegations of electoral fraud led part of the new party to create a new armed group, the M-19.

According to the pact that gave rise to the National Front, it was to end in 1974. The elections of that year, no longer required to alternate, brought the Liberal Party to power. However, the constitutional reform carried out by Lleras Restrepo meant that the positions were divided between the two major parties.

Consequences

The consequences of the National Front were noted in all areas, from the political to the economic, passing through the social.

Appeasement of bipartisan violence

The National Front marked the end of the struggle for power between the conservatives and liberals and, therefore, of the violent clashes that had caused thousands of deaths.

New guerrilla groups

Despite the above, social problems in the country did not disappear. This caused the discontent to continue and other armed groups to take over from the demobilized liberal guerrillas after the signing of the National Front.

To all this must be added the international context, with the Cold War at its peak and with the recent triumph of the Cuban Revolution. This led to part of the new guerrilla groups being communist in inspiration.

León Valencia, the second president of the National Front, prepared a plan for the Armed Forces to focus on the fight against communism in the interior of the country. However, movements such as the National Liberation Army or the M-19 gained great strength and carried out armed actions in various areas of Colombia.

Economic crisis

During the years before the National Front, the country was going through a serious economic crisis. This situation made it almost impossible for Colombia to obtain international loans and the public sector began to suffer.

For this reason, the government of the National Front had to request help from the United States and the World Bank. In exchange for this aid, Colombia had to approve several adjustment measures, including a significant devaluation of its currency.

Although macroeconomic figures improved, the working classes suffered from the adjustment measures and increased inflation. Strikes, joined by students, became more and more frequent.

Considerable increase in inflation

The last president of the National Front, the conservative Misael Pastrana, tried to improve the economy by boosting the construction sector.

To this end, it approved important investments for various projects, which allowed a decrease in unemployment, an improvement in wages and an increase in the domestic market.

Likewise, Pastrana promoted measures to favor private investment in construction, such as Constant Purchasing Power Units through which interest accumulated and prices adjusted with inflation.

The end result of Pastrana's measures was an over-stimulation of the economy, which caused an increase in inflation of 27%.

References

Cultural Deputy Manager of the Banco de la República. The National Front. Obtained from encyclopedia.banrepcultural.org
History week. The national front. Obtained from Semanahistoria.com
Arévalo Domínguez, Laura Camila. National front: a pact between a writer who was president and an exiled “Monster”. Obtained from elespectador.com
Global Security. The National Front, 1958–78. Retrieved from globalsecurity.org
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Declaration of Sitges. Retrieved from britannica.com
Mother Earth Travel. The National Front, 1958-74. Retrieved from motherearthtravel.com
Turel, Adam. Colombia's 'La Violencia' and How it Shaped the Country's Political System. Retrieved from e-ir.info

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